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Iv sg. It de- clined at the death of Charles IX. The latter hkewise with his rime striketh a certain music to the ear; and, in fine, since it doth delight, though by another way, it obtaineth the same purpose ; there being in either, sweetness, and wanting in neither, majesty.

Truly the English, before any other vulgar language I know, is fit for both sorts. Harvey argues against this scheme in favor of a system in which accepted English accents shall be retained.

He also insists upon the necessity for a reform in spelling : " In the meane, take this for a general Caveat, and say I have revealed one great mysterie unto you: I am of Opinion, there is no one more regular and justifiable direction, eyther for the assured, and infallible Certaintie of our English Artificial!

Prosodye particularly, or generally to bring om- Language into Arte, and to frame a Grammer or Rhetorike thereof: than first of all universally to agree upon one and the same Ortographie, in all pointes con- formable and proportionate to our Common Natural Prosodye. Already, in the Defense of Poesy, Sidney was unwilling to commit himself regarding English ' Yet Harvey likes to think that he is perhaps re- sponsible for the whole undertaking.

He and Spenser soon real- ized the futility of such methods for them. Several rhetorical treatises, however, continued to support the idea somewhat generally, until finally Samuel Daniel, in his Defence of Ryme, , offered this state- ment, apparently with the authority of Lady Pembroke: "The Latin numbers, notwith- standing their excellency, seemed not sufficient to satisfy the ear of the world. The first of these was accompanied by hexameter versions of some of the Psalms.

It is true that from its inception the circle itself was so emphatically Protestant that anything pro- duced there might receive a religious coloring. But during the formative period in the lives of ' Daniel, Wka.

Euvres, ed. Introduction; also v. Du Bartas definitely soimded the call of the "Heavenly Muse," summoning all good poets to turn their verse to the celebration of holy things, he himself setting an elaborate example. His Judith and Uranie were pub- lished in , and his Premiere Semaine in , just before the formation of the Areopagus.

By the time this Prot- estant influence was actively operative in France and England, however, it was supplemented by another impulse toward religious literature, the product of the Catholic Reaction, first manifest in Italy. In the religious spirit of Spenser's work both these forces, Protestant and Catholic, are involved.

Sidney, too, must have felt them both, although his direct iinpulse came from Du Bartas and French Protestantism. Fraunce, Breton, and John Davies of Hereford were easily the leaders in this sort of composition, as a glance at the titles previously quoted from them will indicate. In the Defense of Poesy, Sidney, under influ- ence from the current continental criticism of his time, expressed himself at length regarding the present and future of English drama.

The popular productions of his day he found bad, because of their disregard of the unities, their blending of tragic and comic, their lack of stately dignity. Seneca was named as a stand- ard, with some qualified praise for the EngUsh tragedy Gorboduc, and favorable mention of Buchanan's tragedies in Latin.

The actual impulse came from Lady Pembroke herself, whose Antonie, written in and published two years later, was soon followed by similar compositions by Daniel, Kyd, Fulke Greville, and Sir William Alexander. There is certainly some French influence in this movement; enough at least to claim careful investigation. There were various influences in the England of that day to encourage any individual or coterie of scholarly attainments to experiment in classic tragedy.

Sidney's opinions in the Defense were merely an echo of the accepted critical theories of Italy and France, which were then permeating English thought. The Senecan tragedies themselves were then familiar to Eng- lishmen, both in the original and in translation, the Ten Tragedies of Seneca, which appeared in translation in , being in most instances reprints of earlier separate versions, some of them dating back to and As late as , Sidney and Leicester were present at the performance of Gager's Latin tragedy ' Troas had been printed in , and Thyestes in Hippolytus was licensed as early as This play was prmted in Vernacular trage- dies in the Senecan vein were even more com- mon, especially in Italy and France; and these, paralleling the efforts of Lady Pembroke and her circle, would seem more logically to be the immediate impulse of the English vogue.

This a priori opmion is conJBrmed in part by investigations made by Dr. John Ashby Lester some years ago. Thus the early English group shows the employ- ment of seventeen and even twenty-two char- ' Cf. Fleay, Biog. Chronicle of the English Dram,a, London, , i. On the other hand, the later Enghsh group follows the French series in a definite departure from the custom found in Seneca and the early English specimens, of using the chorus merely as an "ideal spectator" moralizing upon the action.

It shares rather in the development of the play, though sometimes to a very limited extent. THE AREOPAGUS GROUP 79 late English classic drama is more than a mere continuation of the earlier attempts, unin- fluenced from without ; that, owing to its paral- leling the French in definite departures from both the original and the translated Seneca, it can hardly have received its new impulse from the original source ; and accordingly that it was influenced by continental vernacular imitations of Seneca, with the antecedent probability in favor of the French.

It remains to be seen how far detailed fact will substantiate these con- clusions. The Countess of Pembroke's Antonie, written in , and printed in , was avowedly "done into English from the French of Gamier," perhaps the most popular and effective of that group of French playwrights who responded to the call of the Pleiade.

The translation is an extremely careful one, following the edi- tion of Gamier's Antoine. It renders his Alex- andrine couplets by blank verse, and strives to reproduce the lyric variety of his choruses. Daniel's dedicatory stanzas to Cleo- patra, with their direct testimony of Lady Pembroke's agency in his work, have been quoted; as has Spenser's injunction to Daniel in Colin Clout, that he try his wings in dealing with tragic plaints and passionate mischance.

Considering the date at which Colin Clout was probably composed, it is certamly a plausible ' Luce, Of. Daniel's Cleopatra first appeared in , and takes up the story where Lady Pembroke's Antonie drops it. There had been numerous classical plays on the subject, most prominent being Giraldi Cinthio's in , and Jodelle's, in ; but no immediate source for Daniel's drama has been found.

It also appears in two dis- tinct versions, the editions of , , and displaying a complete working-over with much additional material. The material of Philotas is not French, and no source for the play has come to light. The usual Senecan form and spirit are maintained, how- ever, with some variations.

There are sixteen characters in the play, and no monologue is introduced. The choruses occupy only about one-sixteenth of the extent of the play, and except for that of the second act, are in heroic verse.

This appeared in There is a theory, based on an extremely questionable identification of Kyd with an "up- start noverint " criticized in Greene's Menaphon, which would place the composition of Kyd's tragedy before ; but it hardly deserves consideration here.

Kyd complains of the "bitter times and privie broken passions" he has en- dured in writing it, and promises that his "pass- ing of a Winters weeke with desolate Cornelia" shall be followed by a "Sommers better travell with the Tragedy of Portia. Kyd, Cornelia, ed. Gassner, p. The attempt was a failure, however. It is not fair to account' for this failure by a decline of in- terest in these classic tragedies, for the numer- ous editions of Daniel's play show that this decline came much later.

It would seem more probable that the audience for which Lady Pembroke and Daniel were writing resented this attempt of Kyd to break into the circle, while his usual public had no taste for such efforts.

The statement in William Gierke's Polimanteia, , appears to bear this out: "Cornelia's Tragedy, however not respected, was excellently well done. Greville's own testimony, in his Life of Sidney, fixes the time of writing considerably earlier than , the date commonly assigned because quarto editions are known to have existed then. Luce, op. Grosart, p. The executioner, the author himselfe. Not that he conceived it to be a contemptible younger brother to the rest; but lest while he seemed to looke over-much upward, hee might stumble into the astronomer's pit.

Immediately he goes on to ex- plain that the drama appeared dangerous to him and to his friends, " many members in that creature. If the three productions were composed in stolen minutes, the inception of the plan would thus be thrown well forward to a time soon after Daniel's first success.

The immediate sources of these plays are not known. From the author's own explanation, the pur- pose of his writing was preeminently didactic. The choruses of the French writers and their English followers, while participat- ing more or less in the action, lost no oppor- tunity to moralize on the situations.

Senten- tious wisdom confronted the reader or hearer at every turn. Greville, apparently with the ac- quiescence of his coterie,' merely changed the ' Works, ed. Grosart, vol. In their general structure, Alaham and Mustapha make good their rela- tionship to the group under consideration. They appear to run to a greater number of scenes, but stage presentation was never in the author's mind. One wonders if Greville is thinking of Lady Pembroke and her influential position when he apologizes for some of his female characters: "I presumed, or rather it escaped me, to make my images beyond the ordinary stature of excesse, wherein again that women are predominant, is not for malice or ill talent to their sexe.

It has the form and spirit of the later Senecan drama and concerns itself with the omnipresent Antony, this time ' Life of Sidney, p.

There seems to be no evidence of any direct influence of Lady Pembroke and her circle. The last group of plays offers at least some interesting possibilities. Their author, William Alexander, appears to have begun the series under an independent line of continental in- fluence, while still a resident of Scotland. King James, with whom Alexander was closely asso- ciated in literary matters, had studied in youth under Buchanan, the author of classical trage- dies in Latin, and had his tastes turned in that direction.

The Alexandrean ' Cf. The Library of James VI. Warner, Edin. The ane -is, because they are usit in all languages, and thairfore are spoken of be Du BeUay, and sindrie utheris, quha hes written in this airt. Lester has gone source-hunting for these dramas, with only moderate success. The Daire of Jacques de la Taille, printed posthu- mously by his brother Jean in , bears some general resemblance to Darius, but only enough to run both plays back to a probable common source in Quintus Curtius, though Alexander may well have been familiar with the Frenqh play.

For Crossus and the Alexandrean Tragedy no sources have been found. Jacques de la Taille did indeed write an Alexander, published in , but it is only the ghost of Alexander that gives the name to the English play.

By a series of parallels, however. The additions indicate some indebtedness to Kyd's Cornelia, In all four plays there are the stylistic peculiari- ties that have characterized both the French and the English groups. The didactic element is especially strong throughout, to an extent that at once suggests Greville's dramas, and along the same lines of thought that he emphasized. For Greville the didactic material of his choruses had to do with the temptations and mistakes of monarchs, and was indeed em- bodied, probably before , in a separate long poem entitled Treatises of Monarchy.

There is every reason that Alexander and the members of Lady Pembroke's circle, with their unusual coincidence of tastes and training, should have become well acquainted almost immediately upon the Scotchman's arrival. From any mem- ber of the coterie Alexander might have learned of Greville's didactic attempts, still timorously avoiding publication. The outspoken nature that would dare a Parcenesis, emboldened by a feeling of seciu-ity in the new king's good wiU, would immediately have been encouraged to further publication by this kinship of ideas with a man so much respected as Fulke Greville.

The term "Monarchicke Tragedies" would be a natural result. That the importance of Alex- ander was quickly recognized and his further plans known to Samuel Daniel, is shown by the dedication of Philotas, in , "to the Prince. The Countess of Pembroke and her following ap- parently had done their best to carry out, in one genre at least, the ideals of the reform movement started as far back as That this dramatic venture remains a mere excres- cence on the history of English literature is due ' Supra, p.

For a time it did assume considerable promi- nence among certain classes, and it would be impossible to say how large a part it played in bringing regularity into English dramatic struc- ture. As regards its relations to the correspond- ing line of French drama subsequent to the Pliiade, the case has been put as fairly as possible. In some instances there has been avowed translation; in others there has been an accumulation of parallels pointing with great probability to immediate influence.

The prod- uct of both movements shows a remarkable identity in all the essentials of its thought and structure. The possibility of direct impulse from Seneca has not entered seriously into the discussion, nor have the Latin tragedies of scholars been considered as an immediate in- fluence. Another uncertainty in the question arises from the fact that Italy, throughout the sixteenth century, was doing this same kind of dramatic work, and to a great extent influenced the form and spirit of the French tragedy.

The strength of the claim for French influence in this EngUsh dramatic vogue, however, lies primarily in the accumulation of evidence con- firming the loyal cooperation of these play- wrights with the Countess of Pembroke, whose model was avowedly French; as well as in the indications already presented, that in various matters of practical reform this English group had from its inception been accustomed to look to the example of France.

Two questions await 90 THE AREOPAGUS GROUP more detailed consideration, before the im- portance of this Hterary circle ceases: one, the extent to which English writers, turning like the disciples of the P16iade from classic ideals to the exploitation of Italian sonnets, drew di- rectly upon France for their inspiration; the other, the influence in England of the poetry of Du Bartas, in its original form and in the localized translation of Sylvester.

He notes that of the nineteen sonnets of Saint-Gelais which have been published, nine were not written before , one was written in , one certainly later than , and another not earlier than The remaining eight cannot be dated. Two sonnets by Marot were printed in the edition of his works, and one of these, by a reference it contains, shows that it was written not later than May 1, Saint-Gelais is known to have spent some time in Italy, and may well have had sonnets in manuscript circulation before Marot wrote any.

With common impulse the members applied themselves promptly and diligently to an imitation, more or less digestive, of the still accumulating mass of Italian models. Before this impulse had worked itself out at the end of the century, the output of sonnets in France was large indeed.

Ronsard's various " Amours " and sonnets number more than nine hundred; Du Bellay's Olive and Regrets amount to over three hundred; while among the later men Desportes stands out with another three hun- dred to his credit. The sonnet, alien and imi- tative as it was, became immensely popular. As in Italy, there was feminine influence to en- courage it, and the cult of Platonism had already blended with it beyond the Alps. It kept all the well-worn conventionalities of thought, and trafficked with the familiar tricks of style.

Two sonnets by him appeared in the Mar- guerites de la Marguerite, , which also contained a sonnet by Margaret herself. Scfeve was strongly influ- enced by the conceits of Serafino dell' AquQa and his immediate predecessors. Peletier, in , pubUshed a volume of poems containing twelve sonnets translated from Petrarch. A later volume, pubHshed in , con- tained niiiety-six sonnets.

Before even an attempt is made at the still more complicated problem of French and Italian influence upon the English sonnet, it is desirable to summarize, at least, these modi- fications on French soil, in order to establish — apart from the conventionalized material — as unified a conception as possible of that far from homogeneous product, the sonnet in France.

These characteristics do not lend themselves readily to systematic arrangement, as they extend from matters of mechanical detail to such general considerations of spirit and imaginative vigor as rest only on the im- pression drawn from wide reading. Neither are they characteristics which Italy had not already anticipated in her sonneteering; but are rather those qualities or tendencies pre- viously manifest at certain points in the Italian development, and seized upon and magnified by certain of the French poets until they assumed a new importance, even helping to give char- acter to the product.

Thus, in the Petrarchistic revival led by Bembo, there was among certain poets a tire- less effort after the dignity and polish of rhe- torical elegance, paralleling the prose ideals of the earlier Ciceronians.

Ronsard, the com- placent champion of a polished and elevated style, first turned instinctively to the models where this characteristic appeared, and then developed it to an extent that has individualized his work. To a less degree this rhetorical polish is visible in the work of his associates. Closely allied to this quality, especially in Ron- sard again, appears a vigor and vividness of imagination, which at times completely revital- izes some borrowed bit of conventional descrip- tion, and throughout whole series of Amours imparts a convincing sense of reality of feel- ing and intensity of passion.

Desportes also possesses this power, when he is not tram- meled by the abundant conceits of his preferred models. Both these men, as well as certain of the lesser artists, allowed their lyric efforts to be affected by such matters of environment as their own material needs and the degraded practices of a corrupt court.

Sonnets of lavish flattery to possible patrons were common enough in Italy; where indeed social conditions were such that a TuUia d'Aragona could pose as a leader in the Petrarchan cult. Ronsard's first book of Hymnes, , was so full of sys- tematic soliciting of patronage that Pasquier remonstrated with him regarding it. Henry retained the poet in his service after his coronation; so that Desportes, like Jamyn and Ronsard, was called upon to do honor to the mignons, and managed to profit by their favor.

It is not surprising that such activities as these reacted somewhat upon the whole literary product of the poets concerned, and operated in harmony with their frequent changes in the personnel of favorites to give their work a somewhat hard and selfish tone of worldliness.

This effect is perhaps heightened by another French characteristic, for which Italy had pre- pared the way. Ronsard, CEuvres, ed. Marty-Laveaux, i, p. The popularity of Anacreon, or of the works attrib- uted to him, is attested by the enthusiastic reception accorded to the edition of these poems by Henri Estienne in , and to the transla- tion of them by Remy Belleau in , as well as by the numerous indications of their influence in the poetry of that period.

Not only did the form and spirit of these poets appear prominently in French odes, madrigals, elegies, and the like during the sixteenth century; but the sonnets also of French poets were considerably affected by this spirit, with its frank joy in sensuous delight, its tenderness and playfulness, its in- sistence on the "Carpe diem" motive. Except for the fact of French familiarity with the Greek and Latin authors, all this might well have been drawn from Italian sources; for Cariteo and Ariosto had both gone for inspira- tion to similar sources, and Serafino, avowedly sensual, had preached "Carpe diem" to a long succession of mistresses.

Perhaps it is safer to say that the French poets, enlarging upon Italian example, had gone freely to the Greek and Latin for models. The religious reaction, manifest in the later ' E. Hauvette, Luigi Alamanni, sa vie et son teuvre, Paris, The renewed religious ac- tivity of Italy, as displayed in the Council of Trent, while it turned creative artists to reli- gious thoughts, also produced a fashion of spir- ituahzing the secular literature already popu- lar.

When this tendency to employ the sonnet for religious purposes reached France, it found itself in new company; for the zealous Protestant spirit there was willing enough to utilize an outgrowth of the Catholic Reaction, when such outgrowth was so thoroughly in harmony with Protestant desires. Graf, Atfraverso il cinquecento, p. After a considera- tion of the religious activities of those who dominated the sonnet literature in England at the end of the century, it becomes apparent enough which of these impulses was to domi- nate there.

Some points remain to be noted regarding the developments given in France to the form of the sonnet. Following the later Italians, French poets had a particular fondness for emphasis at the conclusion of the quatorzain, together with the presence of epigram. Ron- sard, especially, showed a fondness also for a certain rhyme scheme in the sestette. Baif, however, included six sonnets in Alex- andrines in his Amours de Meline, in , and Ronsard began employing this type of verse at almost the same time.

Baif continued to use the verse, and Du Bellay adopted it for his Regrets. The French poets, while by no means innova- tors, gave final conventionality to the fashion of designating by fanciful names the mistresses they addressed, and allowing these names to serve as titles for their sonnet collections. Vianey, " Les sources italiennes de I'Olive," in Annales internationales d'histoire comparee, , for a discussion of Du Bellay 's indebtedness to the Rime diverse di molti eccellenti autori, published In any particular Eng- lish collection, there may be borrowings direct from Petrarch or from any one of his numerous groups of Italian imitators, most of whom were well known to the English poets.

There may be indebtedness to French sonneteers who have modeled more or less closely upon Petrarch or his imitators. As the vogue progresses, there may even be dependence on the work of other Englishmen. At any point a thought or quota- tion from the classics may have played its part in creating or transforming a group of lines. Above all, there is the question of individual M.

Max Jasinski, Histoire du sonnet en France, Re- viewed by Ren6 Doumic in Bevue des deux morides, March 15, Re- viewed by J. Vianey in Revue d'hist. Flamini, Studi di Storia letteraria, Livorno, p. Desportes" ; "Di alcune imitazioni italiane nei? A bungling 'workman like Soothern, or a careless and irre- sponsible one like Lodge, will translate almost slavishly from his originals. A creative mind, like that of Sidney or Shakespeare, appropriates freely from all sources, and yet the result has the distinctive vitality of an original produc- tion.

Two conclusions follow from these con- siderations. A slight resemblance in thought or even in expression between an English sonnet and some particular French or Italian product does not necessarily argue indebtedness at this point until the whole field of possible sources has been considered, and perhaps not then.

On the other hand, for the best men of the group, when once a congenial acquaintance is established with a set of possible models, it is reasonably safe to suppose an indebtedness, along broader and more general lines, larger than any detailed collection of parallels would represent.

On this account, particular in- stances of close resemblance will be used freely in this chapter, but with no disposition to exaggerate their real importance. Further details appear in two articles by L. For this reason alone there is noth- ing surprising in the fact that at one time, when Gabriel Harvey seeks to pay a compliment to George Gascoigne, he does so by compar- ing him with the apparently obscure Italian, Ercole Strozza : — "Gascoignus solus, seipsum cum Hercule Strozza comparat, homine Italo Eodemque viro generoso ac poeta nobili.

Halfte des XVI. Jahrhunderts, Munchen, Special studies include: E. Koeppel's treatment of Sidney's sonnets in his "Studien zur Geschichte des engl. Petrarchismus im Forschungen, v. Hoffman, "Studien zu Alex. Montgomery," Englische Studien, xx. Ward's notes to his edition of William Drummond's poems. Borghesi, Petrarch and his Influence on English Litera- ture, , is too puerile a work to deserve serious atten- tion. Zocco, Petrarchismo e Petrarchisti in Inghilterra, Palermo, Noted by Lee, Introd.

The sonnet first came to England direct from Italy, fully as early as it was introduced into France. Wyatt and Surrey, influenced particularly by the sonnet writing of Serafino and his group at the close of the quattrocento, had domesticated the form in somewhat crude fashion,' Surrey emphasizing the concluding epigram toward which his models were tending, and strengthening it by a rhyme scheme evolved perhaps from the Italian strambotti, and marked by a final couplet.

This final couplet was destined to become a distinctive feature of the Elizabethan sonnet. After the sonnets of Wyatt and Surrey were printed, in , in Tottel's Miscellany, the genre, while by no means lost sight of, experienced no real development in England until it was taken up by members of the Areopagus circle especially, as a part of the general exploitation of the vernacular as a medium for poetic expression.

In connection with that movement French influence began to be manifest. Before Spenser alone had, if appearances may be trusted, rendered French sonnets into English verse, and thus brought them into the literature, in the Theatre for Worldlings, already discussed.

Barnabe Googe shows indebtedness to him in his Eclogues, in Spenser, or whoever the contributor was, appears to have gone to him for the "Visions of Petrarch" in the Theatre for Worldlings. The Shepheardes Calendar drew upon him for at least two eclogues. Besides, there are several references in the literature of the period that suggest.

In some introductory verses to Gascoigne's Posies, , the author has occasion to speak of the immoral tendencies of certain well-known literary works. In the midst of his remarks he declares: "And let not Marot's Alyx passe without impeache of crime.

In the Introduction to the " Complaint of Sigebert," the conven- tional invective against rhyme takes this form : ". Hazlitt, , i. Joseph Haslewood, i. Among its miscellaneous contents ap- pears an English poem with the title: "One that had a frowarde husbande makes com- playnt to her mother. Written in French by Clement Marott. But we know that they are modeled on sonnets, most of them Italian, with an occasional one in French ; for some one, presumably the poet, has carefully indicated in notes the sources drawn upon for many of these poems, and even the detail of the method used in adapting these sources.

This work contains two other acknowledged translations from the French, one a short poem on p. Lee, Life of Shakespeare, p. He merely has kept track pedantically of as many of his sources as possible, and has been at great pains to teU us all about them. Early in his career he had busied himself with translating the soimets of Petrarch into Latin, and three years later he rendered Tasso's Aminta into Latin hex- ameters.

Sonnets, 1. In reading Watson, one finds many more traces of Petrarch than he has indicated. The references to him found in their works, though full of commendation, all date ten years later than his sonnet collection.

As late as , indeed, Abraham Fraunce, Areopagus camp-follower, appropriated Watson's Latin version of Aminta, turned it into English, and published it without acknowledgment, a thing he would hardly have ventured upon if Watson had been of the inner circle.

Not only do his efforts excel in power of conception and skill of phrasing ; he alone. The expression, however, is disappointing in its brevity. Early in the Defense of Poesy, when Sidney refers to the "special denomina- tions" of poetry, he abides by the old division into three genres, so that the term "lyric" is used to embrace both sonnet and ode. This would suggest Watson's connection with Lyly and his Italian- ate circle. Italian influence is prominent in it.

Arber, English Reprints, London, , p. But truly, many of such writings as come under the banner of unresistable love, if I were a mistress would never persuade me they were in love ; so coldly they apply fiery speeches, as men that had rather read lovers' writings, and so caught up certain swelling phrases. It must be remembered, however, that in this period the term " sonnet " was applied freely to brief love lyrics, with various verse forms. Sidney's critical advice at this point is of material significance, an- ticipating two characteristic lines of sonnet development for England.

The latter part is a plea for convincing reality in sonnet composition, the revitalizing of an already overworked form. He has infused much originality into his verses. This, of course, is rarely an originality of theme, situation, or metaphor. Such things are practically out of the question. Even when he proclaims boldly, in his seventy- fourth Sonnet, — "And this I swear by blackest brooke of hell, I am no pickpurse of another's wit," — he is merely handing down the tradition of Italian anti-Petrarchists of a few decades earlier, who professed to write sonnets in the manner of Petrarch without plagiarizing him.

In fact it must have been almost unconsciously so, thus separating him from the painstaking worker in mosaics on the one hand, and the easy-going translator on the other, and rendering him the despair of all source-hunters. The freshness and vigor of imagination, to be found at times in Desportes and more generally in Ronsard, was Sidney's characteristic quality, and with it he effected the transformations that give to ' Cf. With this quality he com- bined an independence of spirit as well as of method that strikes one frequently through- out the series.

Like Ronsard, he was little affected by the extravagances of Itahan con- cettismo, but cultivated the polished simplicity of Petrarch and the school of Bembo. Like Ronsard and his feUows again, Sidney was considerably drawn to the models furnished by Greek and Latin lyrists.

There is little in- fluence of these in Astrophel and Stella, except perhaps in the little group of sonnets concerned with Stella's kiss. Sidney reveals his independence even in the structure of his sonnets. He keeps the double quatrain consistently, but departs from the English couplet at least a score of times, and frequently diversifies the rhymes in the pre- ' Many of the motives and figures of Petrarch's poetry may be discovered in Sidney.

Koeppel's article, Roman. There is perhaps little in all this to establish French influence in Sidney's lyrics; but in view of his actual ac- quaintance with Ronsard, and his general familiarity with French models, there is strong probability that the P16iade poets were some- what effective in turning his efforts in the direction noted. The Astrophel and Stella sonnets, while not printed until , were of course written some- time before , and experienced a considerable period of manuscript circulation.

To about the same time with them, then, belongs John Soothern's verse collection Pandora, in Of all crude, blind specimens of servile imitation in sonnet history, this is perhaps the worst.

Soothern merely acknowledges a general obli- gation to Ronsard, and then includes in his doggerel translation the very eulogies of his model on Henry II. When Ronsard boasts of his sources, the English poet calmly makes this boast his own. In an age when plagiarism was not a grievous fault, ' In eight sonnets Sidney uses the rhyme scheme abba abba ccd eed, the favorite structure of Ronsard. Schipper, Neuenglische Metrik, ii.

In the Arte of English Poesie he declares : — "Another of reasonable good facilitie in transla- tion finding certain of the hjrmnes of Pyndarus and of Anacreon's odes, and other Lirickes among the Greekes very well translated by Rounsard the French Poet, and applied to the honour of a great prince in France, comes our minion and translates the same out of French into English, and applieth them to the honour of a great noble man in England.

And in the end which is worst of all makes his vaunt that never English finger but his hath toucht Pindar's string, which was nevertheless word by word as Rounsard had said before by like braggery.

There was no further publication of English sonnets in collections until after In the interim poets generally were growing more familiar with continental models, but their creative efforts were confined to single speci- ' Ed. Arber, English Reprints, London, , vli. Immediately after Sidney's se- quence was in print, the great wave of English sonneteering began its movement, and then it was that the influence of France was most manifest. In part, no doubt, this was due to the fact that men were less careful just at this time to add their own creative power to what they appropriated, and so conceal the traces of their borrowing.

But it indicates as well that these particular men had studied the sonnet series carefully in the forms produced by the French poets and were influenced accordingly. But the work of each of them presents sonnets which parallel so closely certain sonnets in the French that some degree of dependence is unquestionable. In the case of Daniel and Constable there is also the question of sequence title; for the French custom of grouping sonnets under the fanciful name of the mistress now became ' Cf.

The high position held by Daniel in the regard of Lady Pembroke, his close relations with other members of the Sidney-Spenser circle, and his interest in their numerous literary ventures, particularly the classic drama on French models, have been discussed at length in the preceding chapter.

As noted there, twenty-eight of Daniel's sonnets were published in , with the first edition of Astrophel and Stella. The year following, he embodied these in his complete collection, Delia, dedicated to Lady Pembroke. In view of the apparently close friendship between poet and patroness, and the aspirations which the countess seems to have had toward actual coterie leadership, there is considerable ground for the belief that the Delia of these sonnets was in reality Lady Pembroke herself.

The melancholy and some- what obsequious tone throughout the series would belong naturally to such a situation, and the Platonic element appearing occasionally would have been very pleasing to the sister of Sidney.

The prose dedication of the son- nets is free from any suggestion of the kind. A dedicatory sonnet, which accompanied the edition of , while it addresses Lady Pem- broke as "patroness," contains some lines at least uncertain enough in their meaning to deserve quoting : — "Wonder of these, glory of other times, O thou whom Envy ev'n is forst t' admjre : Great Patroness of these my humble Rh5rmes, Which thou from out thy greatnes doost inspire Sith onely thou hast deigned to rayse them higher.

Vouchsafe now to accept them as thine owne. Begotten by thy hand and my desire, Wherein my zeale and thy great might is showne. The lines be- wail the fate of the writer, who "Like as the spotlesse Ermelin distrest, Circumpast'd round with filth and lothsome mud,'' finds his spirit prevented by poverty from seeking the happiness it craves. Meet singles personal ads who are Free Online best free. Its the to meet for iOS.

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This image, which was originally posted to Flickr , was uploaded to Commons using Flickr upload bot on 20 March , This file has an extracted image:. Despite our natural inclination to go for that black ensemble, men are more attracted to color. Opt for jewel tones which look great on every skin tone, make your eyes pop and send a message that you are fun and confident.

These can set you apart from the sea of women donning boring black. Remember, those who believe in love are instantly more lovable. Viatcheslav is blog contributor and dating consultant of Loveawake.

He has been covering online dating, relationships, online and marriage niche since He loves sharing meaningful content that educates and inspires people to bring their dreams into reality. You message eachother about your days, what's going on, and how life is going. If you can't go a day without messaging eachother or feel weird not hearing from them for a couple hours, it's probably a thing.

Because you're in a good place and that's a great feeling. If you glance at your S. O's phone and there isn't a campfire or a buzzing bee, maybe you're on the same page. However, if your friends catch their profiles while swiping, it might not be as serious as you think. Which leads us to the last point -.

Let's face it, no one wants to be in a relationship where they're constantly asking themselves questions or feeling less than important. Yeah, it might be a little awkward but it's better than being in the dark. Worse case, they're just into something casual - at which point you can decide if you want to kick it label-less, or just kick'em to the curb. Learn more Like almost every website, cookies are used.

Follow Facebook Twitter Instagram Youtube. What makes us incredible beings is our ability to uplift others with only a few words. For this reason, we become bound to the people who strengthen our spirits. What is attractive to your date beyond any physical beauty you may possess is the beauty of your soul. Let that shine without filter. Pick one thing that strikes you about your date--their hair, shoes, eyes, voice--and point out to them that you appreciate this detail.

Watch as an unexpected smile spreads across their face. Ladies, you're there for a date, not a pageant. Even if you're a professional makeup artist, go light on the makeup--men want to be hypnotized by your eyes, not bewildered by your triple-decker eyelashes.

And gentlemen, maybe you can save the suit and Rolex for your next business meeting. If your date sees you dressed in a way that's not reflective of your true self, their impression of you will be wrong. The simpler you are on the outside, the more accessible you become on the inside. If your date does end up becoming your partner, they will see you at your best and worst anyway. Do ask the important questions. There are certain questions that need to be answered before the date is over.

Time is a precious commodity so before setting up the next meeting, make sure you're well aware of your date's founding principles. Get a clear understanding of their morals, achievements, aims, future visions, and belief system not religion.

Do address the important issues without making the date seem like an interview. Take turns discovering the essence of each other and being intrigued by each other. Don't complain or be rude to others. As difficult as it may be, the other person appreciates the honesty. You can always say something like: Would you maybe want to grab a drink later on in the week? And when we started talking, they lit up even more. Would you want to meet up later for a drink? Make a good first impression.

You want this person to enjoy the date, but you also want them to enjoy you as an individual. Be considerate and charming without looking or acting like someone you're definitely not.

Let them discover who you are while trying to maintain a little bit of mystery. Turn off your phone. The only reason you should be checking or answering your phone is if you're a doctor.

Learn your table manners if you're eating food. Concentrate on your date; don't check out anyone else, no matter how slick you think you might be about it. Don't act uninterested or frown. Gazing off into space while your date is eating or talking isn't good either, and makes it look like you want to get out as soon as possible. Don't talk about past relationships. This is a no-no and a sure turn-off. You will only project the impression that you are unable to let go.

If your partner asks about your last relationship, just tell them that you realized the two of you weren't as compatible as you initially thought, so you have moved on to look for someone with whom to discover greater mutual happiness. Keep it brief and don't ask about their ex. Choose a date with some excitement in it. Whether it's a rollercoaster ride or a monster truck show, a little excitement does a lot for a first date.

Not only is there a distraction that you both can use if the conversation sputters out which is natural , but there's also chemistry at work. When you engage in an exciting activity with a date, your brain releases dopamine and norepinephrine, which are hormones associated with pleasure, trust, and affection.

Be interested and interesting. Don't exaggerate or boast about your credentials, successes, etc.